Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (2024)

Rajashri Chakrabarti, Natalia Emanuel, and Ben Lahey

Editor’s note: Since this post was first published, percentages cited in the first paragraph have been corrected. (February 7, 1pm)

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (1)

Following our post on racial and ethnic wealth gaps, here we turn to the distribution of wealth across age groups, focusing on how the picture has changed since the beginning of the pandemic. As of 2019, individuals under 40 years old held just 4.9 percent of total U.S. wealth despite comprising 37 percent of the adult population. Conversely, individuals over age 54 made up a similar share of the population and held 71.6 percent of total wealth. Since 2019, we find a slight narrowing of these wealth disparities across age groups, likely driven by expanded ownership of financial assets among younger Americans.

Data

We use the quarterly Distributional Financial Accounts published by the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. These data combine sectoral balance sheets from the Fed’s Financial Accounts and individual-level data from the Survey of Consumer Finances to estimate wealth holdings by wealth component and demographic group. We examine wealth dynamics from 2019:Q1 through 2023:Q3 for three age groups: 18-39, 40-54, and 55 and over. To calculate real wealth growth, we deflate age group wealth levels in each quarter by the age group-specific price indices developed in the Equitable Growth Indicators series.

Real wealth has increased for all three age groups since 2019, but the change has been most dramatic for younger adults (see chart below). For individuals 39 and younger, wealth increased by 80 percent. In contrast, it grew by only 10 percent for those aged 40-54 and by 30 percent for those 55 and over.

Younger Adults Far Outpace Other Groups in Wealth Growth since the Pandemic

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (2)

What accounts for the dispersion in wealth growth over this period? There is very little dispersion in growth of liabilities. The growth rate of liabilities among 40–54-year-olds was only about 5 percentage points higher than those of the other age groups. Real estate assets, which increased by about 40 percent across groups as a result of rising home prices, contribute to but do not fully account for the dispersion in wealth growth (right panel of the chart below).

Financial assets contributed most to the differential growth in wealth over this time (left panel below). Financial asset prices rose through much of the COVID period. Those under 40 saw a greater than 50 percent increase in the real value of their financial assets between 2019 and 2023. Those who were 40-54 saw only a 3 percent increase, while those over 54 saw about a 20 percent increase.

Financial Assets Grow Most Rapidly for Younger Adults while Real Estate Growth Is Relatively Even

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (3)

Financial Asset Composition

To understand this dispersion in wealth, we consider which financial assets each age group held. In 2019, all age groups held 31-32 percent of their financial assets as pensions (figure below). The two younger age groups held about 18 percent of their wealth in business assets, compared to 12 percent among those over 54. The larger differences are in the share held in corporate equities and mutual funds. Those under age 40 held 18 percent of their wealth in equities and funds, compared to 30 and 33 percent for the two older age groups.

Younger Adults Posted Greatest Portfolio Shift toward Equities and Mutual Funds

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (4)

By 2023:Q3, corporate equities and mutual funds made up 37 percent of the financial assets held by those over 55, up from 33 percent in 2019:Q1. For individuals under 40, meanwhile, this share rose to 25 percent, compared to 18 percent in 2019:Q1. Thus, the over-55 group saw their equity/mutual fund portfolio share increase by 12 percent and the under-40 group’s equity share went up by a whopping 39 percent. Accordingly, the share held in pensions shrunk for both of these age groups. In contrast, 40–55-year-olds saw their equity/mutual fund portfolio share decrease from 30 to 25 percent, with their pension holdings climbing from 32 percent to 36 percent.

The under-40 group experienced a much greater increase in equity portfolio share than the older groups did; this increased exposure to equities—the fastest-growing financial asset class during the period—enabled younger adults to record higher growth in both financial assets and overall wealth. This shift in portfolio composition toward equities likely reflects the fact that younger adults, being farther away from retirement, can afford to invest in risky assets at a higher rate than older adults. The youngest age group is also the poorest and thus received much of the COVID-era fiscal stimulus, granting them excess savings to invest in equities. (It is worth noting here that our data do not allow us to separate changes in investments from changes in returns; the results we identify are a combination of both factors.)

Conclusion

The pandemic and subsequent changes in the market have had differing effects on net worth across age groups. Analyzing shifts in the distribution of wealth since 2019, we find that faster wealth growth among younger adults has led to a limited narrowing of age-based wealth disparities over the past four years. This was largely due to changes in holdings of financial assets across the three age groups, with the under-40 group shifting toward equities at the highest rate amid rising equity prices. We will continue to monitor changes in the wealth distribution as the policy and economic environment evolves.

Chart data Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (5)
Net Worth by Race and Age data Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (6)
Pension data Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (7)
Equities and Mutual Funds by Age data Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (8)

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (9)

Rajashri Chakrabarti is the head of Equitable Growth Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (10)

Natalia Emanuel is a research economist in Equitable Growth Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (11)

Ben Lahey is a research analyst in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

How to cite this post:
Rajashri Chakrabarti, Natalia Emanuel, and Ben Lahey, “Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post‑Pandemic Era,” Federal Reserve Bank of New York Liberty Street Economics, February 7, 2024, https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2024/02/wealth-inequality-by-age-in-the-post-pandemic-era/.

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Disclaimer
The views expressed in this post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York or the Federal Reserve System. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the author(s).

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics (2024)

FAQs

Wealth Inequality by Age in the Post-Pandemic Era - Liberty Street Economics? ›

As of 2019, individuals under 40 years old held just 4.9 percent of total U.S. wealth despite comprising 37 percent of the adult population. Conversely, individuals over age 54 made up a similar share of the population and held 71.6 percent of total wealth.

What factors contributed to racial and ethnic wealth inequality in the post pandemic era? ›

We find much of the divergence in net worth by race and ethnicity since 2019 can be attributed to divergence in the real values of financial asset holdings (left panel above). It is worth noting here that our data do not allow us to separate changes in investments from changes in returns.

How much is economic inequality today compared to the Gilded Age? ›

Current inequality levels are high. Contemporary global inequalities are close to the peak levels observed in the early 20th century, at the end of the prewar era (variously described as the Belle Époque or the Gilded Age) that saw sharp increases in global inequality.

What was wealth inequality in the 20s? ›

During the 1920s, there was a pronounced shift in wealth and income toward the very rich. Between 1919 and 1929, the share of income received by the wealthiest one percent of Americans rose from 12 percent to 19 percent, while the share received by the richest five percent jumped from 24 percent to 34 percent.

How has economic inequality changed over time? ›

Inequality within countries followed a U-shape pattern over the 20th century. Inequality between countries increased over 2 centuries and peaked in the 1980s, according to the data from Bourguignon and Morrison. Since then, inequality between countries has declined.

What age group is wealth distribution? ›

As of 2019, individuals under 40 years old held just 4.9 percent of total U.S. wealth despite comprising 37 percent of the adult population. Conversely, individuals over age 54 made up a similar share of the population and held 71.6 percent of total wealth.

Which race holds the most wealth? ›

Total household wealth grew in 2022, but white households still hold the vast majority. Since 2010, the wealth disparity between Black and white families has persistently expanded.

How bad was wealth inequality in the Gilded Age? ›

One statistic cited by the Gilded Age documentary is that, by the time of that 1897 ball, the richest 4,000 families in the U.S. (representing less than 1% of the population) had about as much wealth as other 11.6 million families all together.

What happened to the gap between rich and poor during the Gilded Age? ›

The Gilded Age saw rapid growth in the economic disparities between workers and business owners. The wealthy lived lavishly, while the working class endured low wages and horrid conditions.

What was the economic inequality of the Gilded Age? ›

While the rich wore diamonds, many wore rags. In 1890, 11 million of the nation's 12 million families earned less than $1200 per year; of this group, the average annual income was $380, well below the poverty line. Rural Americans and new immigrants crowded into urban areas.

When did wealth inequality start? ›

Income inequality has fluctuated considerably in the United States since measurements began around 1915, moving in an arc between peaks in the 1920s and 2000s, with a 30-year period of relatively lower inequality between 1950 and 1980.

What started wealth inequality? ›

Historical social ills—such as slavery, immigration problems, and Japanese internment camps—are correlated with high levels of income inequality. The shared prosperity of the decades following World War II would come to an end during the 1970s; the poor economic situation led to new policies that favored the wealthy.

What are the causes of wealth inequality? ›

Income inequality is a global issue with several causes, including historical racism, unequal land distribution, high inflation, and stagnant wages.

What is the top 1% wealth in the US? ›

You need more money than ever to enter the ranks of the top 1% of the richest Americans. To join the club of the wealthiest citizens in the U.S., you'll need at least $5.8 million, up about 15% up from $5.1 million one year ago, according to global real estate company Knight Frank's 2024 Wealth Report.

What are the statistics for wealth inequality? ›

The top 10% of households by wealth had $6.5 million on average. As a group, they held 66.6% of total household wealth. The bottom 50% of households by wealth had $50,000 on average. As a group, they held only 2.6% of total household wealth.

Is income inequality growing or shrinking in the US? ›

The Gini coefficient, which measures inequality in income distribution, has kept rising in the United States. According to the World Bank, the U.S. Gini coefficient has gone up from 0.353 in 1974 to 0.415 in 2019, exceeding the alarming level at 0.4 indicating a large income gap.

What impact does COVID-19 have on inequality? ›

We conclude that the pandemic is likely to widen income inequality over the long run, because the lasting changes in work patterns, consumer demand, and production will benefit higher income groups and erode opportunities for some less advantaged groups.

What factors contributed to the growth of inequality? ›

Some of key factors behind the increase in within-country income inequality noted in the literature include technological progress, globalization, commodity price cycles, and domestic economic policies such as redistributive fiscal policies, labor and product market policies.

What are the racial inequities in COVID-19? ›

Conclusion. Individuals of Black and Hispanic groups had a higher risk of COVID-19 infection and hospitalization compared to their White counterparts. These associations of race and ethnicity and COVID-19 outcomes existed more obviously in the pre-hospitalization stage.

What are the factors that contribute to social inequality? ›

Inequalities are not only driven and measured by income, but are determined by other factors - gender, age, origin, ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation, class, and religion. These factors determine inequalities of opportunity which continue to persist, within and between countries.

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