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, Jiyoung Ko Department of Political Science and International Relations, Korea University , Seoul, South Korea Email: jyko@korea.ac.kr Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Sung Mi Kim Center for Commerce and Diplomacy, School of Global Policy and Strategy, University of California San Diego , San Diego, CA, USA Email: smk010@ucsd.edu Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, Volume 23, Issue 3, September 2023, Pages 417–450, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcac010
Published:
03 November 2022
Article history
Accepted:
25 August 2022
Published:
03 November 2022
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Jiyoung Ko, Sung Mi Kim, ‘No Japan’: explaining motivations behind nationalist boycotts in South Korea, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, Volume 23, Issue 3, September 2023, Pages 417–450, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcac010
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Abstract
When Japan in 2019 removed South Korea from its whitelist of most trusted trading partners, South Koreans responded by organizing mass nationalist boycotts against Japanese goods. What affects South Korean citizens’ willingness to participate in this nationalist movement? In this article, we offer a systematic investigation of individuals’ motivations behind their boycott participation along the two dimensions of nationalist boycotts – boycotts as a collective choice and boycotts as an emotional reaction – as well as the historical patterns of South Korean nationalist boycotts against Japan. From original survey data collected in South Korea, we find that citizens’ baseline nationalism is an important moderating factor. For those who have strong nationalistic sentiments against Japan, both collective action and emotional primes have only a marginal impact. However, for those who have relatively low baseline nationalism against Japan, an expectation of mass participation plays a critical role in boosting their desire for boycott participation.
© The Author(s) 2022. Published by Oxford University Press in association with the Japan Association of International Relations; All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com
This article is published and distributed under the terms of the Oxford University Press, Standard Journals Publication Model (https://academic.oup.com/pages/standard-publication-reuse-rights)
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